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Evidence for Goryeo matrilocal and matrilineal society?
Topic Started: Apr 20 2011, 02:45:00 PM (662 Views)
black man
The Right Hand
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I rarely ever came across this topic in literature. However, there are statements which exist at least...

According to Robinson et al., Korean society started to be fully patrilineal as lately as in the late 15th century. Prior to that, they write, uxorilocality/female matrilocality and matriliny were the norm not only among peasants but also among merchants. What matters in this context is the level of potential visibility to observers who could document these phenomena. As Robinson et al. mention, there were differences between the Chinese-influenced capital and the countryside as well as differences between high-ranking and low-ranking people. Of course, the latter tend to remain less visible to historians. So Chinese sources could be what one might call "internal Orientalisms". Then again, there is evidence for parallel descent having been the norm among the mi ser in Tibetan society.

Since Robinson et al. even describe polyandry, there is probably some more literature around. Could there be one or the other Korean book about these kinds of topics? If yes, please tell us what you know. There aren't many non-Koreans could can read Korean language. Therefore, many of those interested in cross-cultural comparisons rely on a few translated sources, general summaries of literature reviews and even hearsay.

One work by Kim Sin-Ho confirms that it was possible to associate stereotypical realms of patriliny, androcentrism and patriarchy in premodern Korea with unusual levels of accumulation of power and wealth. In this sense, this might be worth mentioning after a short glimpse at Kim's dissertation:
pp. 104-5:
- imperial exams dealt with Confucian or Neo-Confucian ideals for the sake of the control of the monks
- nevertheless, monks became rich because they had monopolies concerning alcohol production, stock breeding, agriculture and practiced usury
- in the 10th century an increasing number of men wanted to become monks because monks were associated with wealth
p. 106-7:
- there were even slaves who worked for the monks
- Yeonsangun and his successor reduced the influence of monks; monks no longer needed to pass imperial exams in order to get high ranks but were also no longer employed by the state

In other words, like in premodern Tibetan societies, people might have associated patriliny with privileges and monks with men who tried to access privileges for just one generation (i.e., at least officially excluding their own descendants if they had any). Accordingly, one might associate matriliny with an emphasis on the identities of commoners like in Mosuo society. (See the Na-Qiangic forum section for topics on the matrilineal Mosuo and other matrilineal peoples speaking languages closely related to theirs.)

Sources:
Kim Sin-Ho 1986 (dissertation)
Robinson et al. 2004: "Korea"




addendum:

e.g., mudang could be counted as marginal in the 20th century. But were they marginal back then, too? Plus, could that mean that mudang traditions have been maintaining pre-patrilineal (Palaeoasiatic??) features in more multifaceted ways and for a longer period of time?
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